File Name: death and life of great american cities full.zip
Author: Jane Jacobs , American -born Canadian urbanist.
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Goodreads helps you follow your favorite authors. Be the first to learn about new releases! Follow Author. Only prosperity has causes. Public and private spaces cannot ooze into each other as they do typically in suburban settings or in projects. Second, there must be eyes upon the street, eyes belonging to those we might call the natural proprietors of the street. The buildings on a street equipped to handle strangers and to insure the safety of both residents and strangers, must be oriented to the street.
They cannot turn their backs or blank sides on it and leave it blind. And third, the sidewalk must have users on it fairly continuously, both to add to the number of effective eyes on the street and to induce the people in buildings along the street to watch the sidewalks in sufficient numbers.
Nobody enjoys sitting on a stoop or looking out a window at an empty street. Almost nobody does such a thing. Large numbers of people entertain themselves, off and on, by watching street activity. It is a complex order. Its essence is intricacy of sidewalk use, bringing with it a constant succession of eyes. This order is all composed of movement and change, and although it is life, not art, we may fancifully call it the art form of the city and liken it to the dance — not to a simple-minded precision dance with everyone kicking up at the same time, twirling in unison and bowing off en masse, but to an intricate ballet in which the individual dancers and ensembles all have distinctive parts which miraculously reinforce each other and compose an orderly whole.
The ballet of the good city sidewalk never repeats itself from place to place, and in any once place is always replete with new improvisations.
They differ from towns and suburbs in basic ways, and one of these is that cities are, by definition, full of strangers. Big cities have difficulties in abundance, because they have people in abundance. Adolescents are always being criticized for this kind of loitering, but they can hardly grow up without it. The trouble comes when it is done not within society, but as a form of outlaw life. The requisite for any of these varieties of incidental play is not pretentious equipment of any sort, but rather space at an immediately convenient and interesting place.
The play gets crowded out if sidewalks are too narrow relative to the total demands put on them. It is especially crowded out if the sidewalks also lack minor irregularities in building line. An immense amount of both loitering and play goes on in shallow sidewalk niches out of the line of moving pedestrian feet.
As a sentimental concept, 'neighborhood' is harmful to city planning. It leads to attempts at warping city life into imitations of town or suburban life. Sentimentality plays with sweet intentions in place of good sense. But lively, diverse, intense cities contain the seeds of their own regeneration, with energy enough to carry over for problems and needs outside themselves.
Yet the fact is, physically it has changed remarkably little. People's feelings about it, rather, have changed. The neighborhood shows a strange inability to update itself, enliven itself, repair itself, or to be sought after, out of choice, by a new generation.
It is dead. Actually it was dead from birth, but nobody noticed this much until the corpse began to smell. The district, and indeed as many of its internal parts as possible, must serve more than one primary function; preferably more than two Most blocks must be short; that is, streets and opportunities to turn corners must be frequent.
The district must mingle buildings that vary in age and condition, including a good proportion of old ones so that they vary in the economic yield they must produce. This mingling must be fairly close-grained. There must be a sufficiently dense concentration of people, for whatever purposes they may be there They have not found their followers.
Everything tends to degenerate into ineffective cliques, as a natural course. There is no normal public life. Just the mechanics of people learning what s going on is so difficult. It all makes the simplest social gain extra hard for these people. As in all Utopias, the right to have plans of any significance belonged only to the planner in charge. A community is needed as well, for raising children, and also to keep adults reasonably sane and cheerful.
A community is a complex organism with complicated resources that grow gradually and organically. But the destructive effect of automobiles are much less a cause than a symptom of our incompetence at city building. Most of it is ostensibly trivial but the sum is not trivial at all. Behind the fashions lie economic and technological reasons, and these fashions exclude all but a few genuinely different possibilities in city dwelling construction at any one time.
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I n Donald Barthelme's short story "I Bought a Little City" , the narrator decides one day to purchase Galveston, Texas, where he then tears down some houses, shoots 6, dogs, and rearranges what remains into the shape of a giant Mona Lisa jigsaw puzzle visible only from the air. As with much of Barthelme's work, the premise seems so absurd that one can't help but shake it until a metaphor falls out, and here one might well assume that, in the words of the novelist Donald Antrim, "I Bought a Little City" is "a take on the role that a writer has in writing a story — playing god, in a certain way". But Barthelme first arrived in Greenwich Village, where he would live for most of the rest of his life, in the winter of , just as local campaigners were narrowly defeating an attempt by the despotic city planner Robert Moses to run a lane elevated highway through the middle of Washington Square Park.
Jacobs was born in in the coal mining town of Scranton, Pennsylvania, the daughter of a doctor and a former school teacher and nurse. The first edition of the novel was published in , and was written by Jane Jacobs.
Look Inside. Sep 13, Minutes Buy. A direct and fundamentally optimistic indictment of the short-sightedness and intellectual arrogance that has characterized much of urban planning in this century, The Death and Life of Great American Cities has, since its first publication in , become the standard against which all endeavors in that field are measured. In prose of outstanding immediacy, Jane Jacobs writes about what makes streets safe or unsafe; about what constitutes a neighborhood, and what function it serves within the larger organism of the city; about why some neighborhoods remain impoverished while others regenerate themselves. She writes about the salutary role of funeral parlors and tenement windows, the dangers of too much development money and too little diversity. It remains sensible, knowledgeable, readable, and indispensable.
The book is a critique of s urban planning policy, which it holds responsible for the decline of many city neighborhoods in the United States. Jacobs was a critic of " rationalist " planners of the s and s, especially Robert Moses , as well as the earlier work of Le Corbusier. She argued that modernist urban planning overlooked and oversimplified the complexity of human lives in diverse communities.
Простите, сэр, вы, кажется, меня не… - Merde alors. Я отлично все понял! - Он уставил на Беккера костлявый указательный палец, и его голос загремел на всю палату. - Вы не первый. Они уже пытались сделать то же самое в Мулен Руж, в отеле Брауне пэлис и в Голфиньо в Лагосе. Но что попало на газетную полосу. Правда.
The death and life of great American cities / Jane Jacobs.—1st Vintage Books ed. p cm for a full quarter of a century to achieve precisely what we are getting.