File Name: bourdieu reproduction in education society and culture .zip
Scopus Citedness. This article is about how the role of cultural capital in development of industrial cluster of ceramic art in Kasongan. This article based on research that make use of qualitative methods by interviewing informants such as entrepreneurs, craftsman, ceramic artist, government official, and technical staff of Technical Service Unit TSU.
Cultural patterns and activities and attitudes are developed in precise conjunction with real exigencies, and are produced and reproduced in each generation for its own good reasons. Patterns of the development of labour power for a specific kind of application to industry must in every generation be achieved, developed, and worked for in struggle and contestation.
During the early period, Bourdieu asserted the salience of both self-selection and institutional selection in shunting students into class destinations that echoed their class origins. This work de-emphasized the role of self-selection, and developed a substantially more nuanced account of the relation between education and social mobility. Keywords: Bourdieu , education , inequality , culture , cultural capital , class. Nevertheless, problems remain. The cultural knowledge possessed by these children constitutes a powerful resource in maneuvering through the educational system.
Metrics details. Statistical analyses show that elite class offspring are more likely to form student cadres and have higher English proficiency but lower grades. One reason for lower grades is that they do not devote enough time and energy to school. Another reason, however, is that the effect of cultural capital is weakened in a subjective, standardized system of examination and evaluation.
Moreover, cultural capital has a greater effect when combined with other resources, meaning that elite-class children benefit more from cultural capital, which is consistent with the cultural reproduction theory. Therefore, inequality in educational opportunity has attracted wide attention from the broader society.
The field of Chinese sociology has published numerous empirical findings, primarily focusing on the relationship between education expansion and inequality in educational opportunity. Modernization theory maintains that expanding education provides more educational opportunities for marginalized social groups and decreases inequality in educational opportunity Boudon These researchers argue that education inequality has little to do with education expansion, and as long as socio-structural inequality is perpetuated, education expansion alone cannot reduce inequality in educational opportunity Raftery and Hout ; Lucas ; Breen and Jonsson ; Pfeffer ; Breen et al.
Empirical research in China generally supports both the MMI and EMI hypotheses; they have found that education expansion does not effectively eliminate inequality in educational opportunity Liu ; Li ; Hao ; Wu , ; Li , a ; Wu ; Tang ; Ye and Ding One puzzle, however, is that educational opportunity inequality has not increased in response to the rapid increase of socio-structural inequality since the s. At least, inequality in educational opportunity based on family class background has remained relatively stable.
If inequality in educational opportunity is embedded in socio-structural inequality and is not correlated with education expansion, we need to ask: Why has inequality in educational opportunity based on family class background remained stable, instead of increasing in response to growing socio-structural inequality? As a result, increasing number of undergraduates chooses graduate education to improve their competency in the labor market.
As competition to enter graduate school intensifies, students may use various resources to gain a competitive edge for admission. Family class background could play an increasingly important role in this regard.
However, a recent study Li finds that family class background has no significant influence on Chinese graduate school admission. To understand these observations, we examine factors that not only expand inequality in educational opportunity but also those that suppress it.
On one hand, we could focus our research on the macro-level, studying education policies and social institutions. On the other hand, we also need a micro-level understanding of how inequality in educational opportunity is formed in school, i. On the micro-level that examines family class background, the existing research points to two mechanisms—resource transmission and cultural reproduction—influencing education attainment Li Resource transmission is the mechanism by which a family transforms its socioeconomic status into advantages for child education.
However, the cultural reproduction mechanism, which has received increasing attention, perceives cultural capital as the mediating variable that bridges socio-structural inequality and inequality in educational opportunity. Children of the elite class inherit more cultural capital and therefore have greater education achievement Bourdieu and Passeron b ; Bourdieu The cultural reproduction theory has been challenged by other theories, namely, the cultural resistance theory and the cultural mobility theory.
The cultural resistance theory criticizes the cultural reproduction theory for overtly emphasizing the determinacy of social structure and overlooking the agency and cultural creativity of students and their families. The cultural mobility theory argues that it takes a great amount of time to learn cultural capital and therefore, although family environment has bearing on early learning, it is not determinant.
Subsequent socialization, especially school socialization, is also highly important. The children of non-elite families not only can acquire cultural capital in schools but can also benefit more from cultural capital than the children of elite families DiMaggio ; Aschaffenburg and Maas Although these two theories facilitate our understanding of inequality in educational opportunity, they have their own problems.
First, cultural resistance theory emphasizes a negative type of agency, such as the agency working-class children employ when they challenge the school paradigm and its authority. Emphasizing negative agency means that their positive agency is often overlooked. This assumption itself is debatable, as the effect of cultural capital is conditional rather than universal. In sum, the three cultural theories mentioned above are insufficient for understanding class difference in education attainment.
This article argues that the reproduction of education inequality is not as straightforward as the cultural reproduction theory suggests. Because the effect of cultural capital is not universal but conditional, lower-class students have opportunities to assert some positive agency in schools, and so they can break through socio-structural barriers and ultimately, attain upward mobility. Li et al. However, empirical research on how college students acquire such education achievement is scattered.
A few studies have observed class difference in student activity participation Li et al. The remainder of this article is structured as follows: the three cultural theories are first compared. Based on comparisons among them, research hypotheses are derived. Data and methods are then described, and finally, statistical results are presented and analyzed.
Bourdieu proposes the cultural reproduction theory to explain social reproduction. The basic logic is as follows: elite-class children inherit more cultural capital from their families than children from other class backgrounds which, in turn, helps them obtain higher education achievement Bourdieu and Passeron a , b ; Bourdieu First, Bourdieu conceptualizes cultural capital as a third type of capital, different from economic capital or social capital. It consists of three forms: embodied cultural capital, objectified cultural capital, and institutional cultural capital Bourdieu Bourdieu does not, however, precisely define cultural capital.
Scholars believe that Bourdieusian cultural capital is essentially institutionalized elite culture that includes a specific way of talking, manners, habits, social networking, etc. Lamont and Lareau Second, Bourdieu argues that family is the primary place where children acquire cultural capital, i. Finally, the positive effect of cultural capital on education achievement is derived from two aspects. Second, this culture is monopolized by the elite but is not directly taught to students in schools.
As a result, only students from elite families can master and perform elite cultural capital in daily activities and teacher-student communication, which means they obtain better teacher evaluations Bourdieu and Passeron a ; Lareau A series of studies done by Bourdieu and his collaborators have shown significant class differences in the likelihood of children entering college, as well as in the majors and progress of those who did enter college Bourdieu and Passeron b ; Bourdieu Although the cultural reproduction theory is supported by rich empirical studies, some researchers have challenged it.
Among them, two theories have become influential—the cultural resistance theory and the cultural mobility theory. The cultural resistance theory criticizes the cultural reproduction theory for its overt emphasis on the determining effect of social structure exogenous to school and on reproduction endogenous to school.
Furthermore, these emphases overlook the agency and creativity of actors in school and become rather fatalistic as it seems almost impossible to change existing inequality Giroux Inspired by Max Weber, DiMaggio argues that in a closed society in which different status groups rarely interact, cultural capital centered around elite culture is primarily learned in family contexts.
In modern society, however, factors such as domestic and international market development, transportation and media expansion, urbanization, and educational expansion mean that social networks are no longer limited to small-scale status groups. People can acquire cultural capital from expanded social networks and social situations, among which school is an increasingly important place.
Lower-class students can gradually learn cultural capital during the education process, which helps them acquire upward mobility DiMaggio ; DiMaggio and Mohr Another disparity between the cultural mobility theory and the cultural reproduction theory centers around which group of children benefit more from cultural capital.
The cultural reproduction theory argues that elite-class children benefit more because their parents are usually more highly educated and have more knowledge about university operations and learning. As a result, they can more effectively use cultural capital Aschaffenburg and Maas ; Lareau However, some effects of cultural capital require the support of other types of capital e. Cultural mobility theory, on the other hand, states that cultural capital and socioeconomic capital are interchangeable.
Although elite families have advantages in both, transmitting cultural capital takes great time and energy, whereas imparting socioeconomic capital is rather simple. As a result, elite-class parents may emphasize socioeconomic capital but refrain from building a highly cultural family environment.
The likely outcome is that elite-class children understand neither the operation nor the function of cultural capital DiMaggio ; DiMaggio and Mohr In contrast, lower-class children can make efforts to acquire cultural capital in school, although it is more difficult for them to directly obtain socioeconomic capital. As a result, they focus more on appreciating cultural capital to catch up with elite-class children DiMaggio ; Aschaffenburg and Maas ; De Graaf et al.
The cultural resistance theory and the cultural mobility theory are both in conversation with the cultural reproduction theory, but they have different emphases.
Distinctly, the cultural mobility theory believes that education is a channel for social mobility because working-class children can acquire cultural capital from school and benefit more from it. Both the cultural resistance theory and the cultural mobility theory extend our understanding of inequality in educational opportunity.
However, there is room for further discussion. Therefore, this study moves the focus away from the negative agency: a minority of working-class children display to the positive agency most working-class children employ within the normal school paradigm.
Second, as previously stated, cultural capital helps students acquire higher education achievement because 1 teachers are agents of the elite class who test and evaluate students according to elite culture standards, and 2 schools do not explicitly teach elite culture as it is mainly acquired through socialization in the family Bourdieu and Passeron a ; Lareau The cultural mobility theory disputes that elite culture is only learned at home, arguing that schools are not just a place for productivity but that cultural capital i.
However, the cultural mobility theory shares the basic assumption that teachers evaluate students using elite culture standards, and therefore, cultural capital has a positive effect on education achievement. But in our case, teachers may not be able to use cultural capital in evaluations when evaluations are objective or standardized.
In standardized evaluation, teachers have much less discretion in their assessment and must follow objective criteria Hu Objective evaluations emphasize how well students master evaluation content, which is more closely related to their own cognitive abilities and effort in school Katsillis and Rubinson ; De Graaf et al.
Some scholars argue that cognitive ability and effort more closely align with the economic concept of human capital, which is universal and functional in nature, while cultural capital only reflects the special and social nature of elite identity and culture Bourdieu ; Farkas ; Lareau and Weininger To summarize, this paper argues that the function of cultural capital is affected by the objectivity and standardization of the evaluation system.
Objective and standardized evaluations grant lower-class students room to assert agency, allow them to achieve higher education, and give them the ability to ultimately break through socio-structural constraints. As many studies have found, societies with a highly standardized educational system can usually suppress the influence of family class background in education, and thereby promote educational equality Stevenson and Baker ; Park ; Horn ; Van de Werfhorst et al.
Very limited research, however, discusses how this relationship between objective evaluations and class background is realized inside a school. For the remainder of this article, I use the case of Chinese higher education to demonstrate my argument. The cultural resistance theory claims that working-class children are inclined to defy school authority through wearing outlandish outfits, smoking, drinking, and fighting Willis Both sides are supported by empirical findings in studies on rural Chinese migrant children.
To the contrary, they refuse knowledge taught in school, and entertain by internet surfing, reading novels, and playing with each other. On the contrary, these students instead work harder or choose a better opportunity for higher education Xiong and Liu The abovementioned studies are all single-case studies that do not show a complete picture of education attainment in China. For centuries, Chinese believe that education leads to the highest honor and prestige.
This popular belief has penetrated the Chinese society to the extent that some research has found little difference in educational beliefs between middle-class and lower-class parents Hong and Zhao In contrast, considering the disadvantaged position their families hold in social class status, they have a stronger desire to move upward, which means they will likely work harder. Reflecting on these characteristics of working-class students, we arrive at Hypothesis 1 Table 3.
Hypothesis 1 : Students from working-class or farming families work harder in school.
In the field of sociology, cultural capital comprises the social assets of a person education, intellect, style of speech, style of dress, etc. In the essay, Bourdieu describes cultural capital as a person's education knowledge and intellectual skills that provides advantage in achieving a higher social-status in society. There are three types of cultural capital: embodied capital ; objectified capital , and institutionalised capital. In "Cultural Reproduction and Social Reproduction" , Pierre Bourdieu and Jean-Claude Passeron presented cultural capital to conceptually explain the differences among the levels of performance and academic achievement of children within the educational system of France in the s. In the essay, Bourdieu lists cultural capital among two other categories of capital: economic capital , which refers to the command of economic resources money, assets, property ; and social capital , which is the actual and potential resources linked to the possession of a durable network of institutionalized relationships of mutual acquaintance and recognition. There are three types of cultural capital: embodied capital; objectified capital, and institutionalised capital. Embodied cultural capital comprises the knowledge that is consciously acquired and passively inherited, by socialization to culture and tradition.
In this second edition of this classic text, which includes a new introduction by Pierre Bourdieu, General culture History biology Other phrases Literature. Bourdieu first uses the concept of cultural capital in relation to his sociology of education. Distinction was written in using surveys given out in the country France in and as its data set. The work of Pierre Bourdieu, one of the most influential French intellectuals of the twentieth century, has had an enormous impact on research in fields as diverse as aesthetics, education, anthropology, and sociology.
Bourdieu was born into a working-class family in southern France. He attended a secondary school in Pau before transferring to a more prestigious school in Paris. Bourdieu was drafted into the army, and in he was sent to Algeria , where he later worked as a lecturer and researcher at the University of Algiers —
Harvard Educational Review 1 December ; 47 4 : — A persistent problem in social science is the lack of good translations of major research done in other countries.
Беккер задумался: Я бы хотел, чтобы ты как следует вымыл голову, научился говорить по-человечески и нашел себе работу. Но решил, что хочет от этого парня слишком многого. - Мне нужна кое-какая информация, - сказал. - Проваливал бы ты отсюда. - Я ищу одного человека. - Знать ничего не знаю.
- Все хотят поиграть в эту игру. Сьюзан пропустила эти слова мимо ушей. - Да. Шестнадцать. - Уберите пробелы, - твердо сказал Дэвид. - Дэвид? - сказала Сьюзан.
Кровь, вытекающая из головы, в голубоватом свечении казалась черной. На полу возле тела Хейла лежал листок бумаги. Сьюзан наклонилась и подняла .
Сьюзан набрала полные легкие воздуха и задала неизбежный вопрос: - И где же теперь этот канадец.
Коллеги-криптографы прозвали его Галит - таково научное название каменной соли. Хейл же был уверен, что галит - некий драгоценный камень, поэтому считал, что это прозвище вполне соответствует его выдающимся умственным способностям и прекрасному телосложению. Будь он менее самонадеян, он, конечно же, заглянул бы в энциклопедию и обнаружил, что это не что иное, как солевой осадок, оставшийся после высыхания древних морей. Как и все криптографы АНБ, Хейл зарабатывал огромные деньги, однако вовсе не стремился держать этот факт при. Он ездил на белом лотосе с люком на крыше и звуковой системой с мощными динамиками.
Недовольно поморщившись, Сьюзан закрыла окно экранного замка, но в ту долю секунды, когда оно исчезало с экрана, она заметила нечто необычное. Снова открыв окно, Сьюзан изучила содержащуюся в нем информацию. Какая-то бессмыслица.
Из всех севильских автобусов мистер Беккер выбрал пользующийся дурной славой 27-й маршрут. Автобус номер 27 следует к хорошо известной конечной остановке. ГЛАВА 46 Фил Чатрукьян швырнул трубку на рычаг.
Беккер пожал плечами. Парень зашелся в истерическом хохоте.
Лет пятнадцати-шестнадцати. Волосы… - Не успев договорить, он понял, что совершил ошибку. Кассирша сощурилась. - Вашей возлюбленной пятнадцать лет. - Нет! - почти крикнул Беккер.
Goodreads helps you keep track of books you want to read.Damaris P. 16.06.2021 at 20:50
Reproduction in Education, Society and Culture. Pierre Bourdieu and. Jean-Claude Passeron translated from the French by. Richard Nice with a Foreword by.Adalgiso H. 17.06.2021 at 11:43
Metrics details.Melisande F. 17.06.2021 at 14:55
Building on the heritage of classical social theory, the series examines and Culture.InГЁs C. 21.06.2021 at 03:16
Bourdieu considers education to be the main mechanism of class reproduction (Bourdieu & Passeron, ). Through education dominant.