File Name: sunkel national development policy and external dependence in latin america .zip
Prebisch and his colleagues were troubled by the fact that economic growth in the advanced industrialized countries did not necessarily lead to growth in the poorer countries. Indeed, their studies suggested that economic activity in the richer countries often led to serious economic problems in the poorer countries. Such a possibility was not predicted by neoclassical theory, which had assumed that economic growth was beneficial to all Pareto optimal even if the benefits were not always equally shared.
Member States of the United Nations and their governmental institutions may reproduce this work without prior authorization, but are requested to mention the source and to inform ECLAC of such reproduction. The reader will also find that it involves a body of thought that is organized around three pillars: international engagement centreperiphery and external vulnerability ; domestic structural conditions socioeconomic ; and interaction between State and market in support of development projects.
The anthology compiles texts representing five stages of ECLAC thought, each of which broadly corresponds to one decade. It is worth mentioning that only some of the texts had to be translated into English for this publication, because the others had already been translated when originally published. It is a pleasure to be able to offer this book in electronic format, giving readers simple and immediate access to the work.
It was also the only intellectual centre anywhere in the region capable of generating a sui generis analytical approach, and moreover one that has remained valid for the last half-century. This review introduces the texts that have been selected for this commemorative volume.
It reconstitutes the intellectual path followed by the institution during that period; and it directs the reader to the most important theses and selected texts, setting them in their historical context and in the work of the institution as a whole.
Next, a brief description is made of the analytical cornerstone of the thought generated in ECLAC, namely the historical-structuralist method.
As the ECLAC bibliography is very extensive, the present text has been forced to omit many important references. Possibly for that reason, there are few references to ECLAC thought in the main compendia of the history of economic theory. At best these are limited to the thesis of deteriorating terms of trade and the structuralist theory of inflation. The absence of other references often results in ignorance of the explanatory power of that body of analysis, which stems from a fertile blend between an essentially historical and inductive method on the one hand, and a specific abstract-theoretical reference —the structuralist theory of Latin American peripheral development— on the other.
In short, it is the Latin American development paradigm. His programme Two other characteristics of the ideas generated and disseminated by ECLAC are that it was never an academic institution, and its audience consists of Latin American policymakers. Firstly, the methodological approach is the same irrespective of the number of stages into which it can be subdivided. What changes is the real history that is being analysed, and the ideological background against which it unfolds.
This calls for emphases to be continually fine-tuned and interpretations renewed, to adapt to new historical contexts. Four analytical features can be identified as common to the five decades: the first relates to the method, the historical-structuralist approach, based on the idea of the centreperiphery relation. Two others concern thematic areas: the analysis of international engagement and the analysis of domestic structural constraints on growth and technical progress , and the relations between these, employment and the income distribution.
The fourth and last feature is the analysis of the needs and possibilities for State intervention. By chance each stage lasted roughly one decade; and as will be seen below, they closely follow the historical evolution of the Latin American region. The correspondence is only imperfect in the s, owing to the global crisis in the middle of that decade.
Nonetheless, the crisis did not prevent ECLAC thought from maintaining a reasonable degree of organizational unity on the issues addressed during the decade, since the new emphases only reflected the new historical conditions. Table 1 uses those elements to record the main theses that they generated. It gives an idea of the set of analytical tools that the approach provides; and it serves as a starting point to guide the intended reading of this text.
Deterioration of the terms of trade: structural deficit in the balance of payments; regional integration. Substitutive industrialization process; perverse tendencies caused by specialization and structural heterogeneity; structural inflation and unemployment. Dependency; regional integration; international policy for reducing vulnerability in the periphery, anti-industrial export bias. Agrarian reform and income distribution as a requirement for reigniting the economy; structural heterogeneity; dependency.
Growth styles, production and distribution structure and power structures; industrialization that combines the domestic market and export effort. Adjustment with growth; opposition to adjustment shocks, need for income policies and possible convenience of stabilizing shocks; social cost of the adjustment. Prebisch imprinted that basic feature on the institution from the outset. The discussion and research programme inaugurated by Prebisch in stemmed essentially from the diagnostic of the profound transition seen in the underdeveloped Latin American economies, which were evolving from the outward-looking commodity-export growth model, to the inward-looking urban industrial model.
This lays the essential foundations for the theoretical construction of ECLAC historical comparative analysis: the underdeveloped structures of the Latin American periphery constrain, rather than determine, specific behaviours, of paths that are unknown a priori. For that reason, they deserve and demand studies and analyses in which universal-type economic theory can only be used with reservations, to be able to incorporate those historical and regional specifics.
In other words, the ECLAC historical-structuralist approach implies a method of knowledge production that closely observes the behaviour of social agents and the path of institutions, which is closer to an inductive process than to traditional abstract-deductive approaches. Freed from rigid and schematic deductive frameworks, ECLAC thought is thus able to adapt easily to the evolution of events, by continuously revising its interpretations, which does not mean losing political-ideological coherence, or analytical consistency.
Moreover, part of ECLAC research is a critical reflection based on an introspective view of its own analytical developments. The richness of the ECLAC method thus stems from a fertile interaction between the inductive method and the theoretical abstraction originally formulated by Prebisch.
Secondly, it led to the idea that the socioeconomic structure of the periphery determines a unique way of industrializing, introducing technical progress and growing, and a specific way of absorbing the labour force and distributing income.
In other words, in its key characteristics, the process of growth, employment and income distribution in the periphery would be different to what happens in the central countries.
The differences must be found in the fact that the peripheral economies possess a poorly diversified and technologically heterogeneous structure, in contrast to the pattern seen in the central countries. In the latter, the production apparatus is diversified; productivity is uniform everywhere; and there are mechanisms for creating and disseminating technology and the social transmission of its fruits which are non-existent in the periphery.
It was not a matter of comparing peripheral underdevelopment with the past history of the central economies, as Rostow wanted, but to identify the unique historical unfolding of the specific nature of their experiences, in which different sequences and results could be expected than occurred in central development.
Furtado was the thinker who worked hardest to clothe the ECLAC analysis with the garments of historical legitimacy. It is a special process due to the penetration of modern capitalistic enterprises into archaic structures. The phenomenon of underdevelopment occurs in a number of forms and in various stages. The method was thus articulated by the simultaneous and complementary use of the three analytical spheres mentioned: international engagement, the trends and internal contradictions of growth in the periphery, and State intervention.
The historical context In the years following the Second World War, the Latin American economies were fully embarked on the industrialization and urbanization process, driven by rapid economic growth of 5. This opened up space to strengthen the industrializing ideology, which was just awakening in the region. Moreover, the idea spread that traditional exports were tending to recover as post-war normality returned, and this stimulated the restoration of the liberal ideology that had predominated until the s.
From the academic standpoint, this was based on the theory of the international division of labour founded on Ricardian comparative advantages, or advantages arising from relative factor endowments. In response to the liberal ideology, in the immediate post-war period the defence of development through industrialization had the disadvantage of being poorly articulated analytically. The bibliography on that idea includes a self-evaluation made by the same author in a World Bank compilation Furtado, There was thus a degree of discord between economic and social history and the construction of its counterpart in the ideological and analytical spheres.
Prebisch and intellectual daring are synonyms in Latin America. The messages were innovative and there was fertile ground for disseminating them. Essentially, with different concepts and ways of formulating the issue, all conveyed the same central message —the need to implement industrialization policies as a way of overcoming underdevelopment and poverty. ECLAC manoeuvred admirably in that context.
Not only did it become an essential reference when discussing Latin America, but it also developed its own theorizing which consistently combined a large number of conceptual innovations. Although the ideological terrain was not always supportive, in the academic sphere it was; and, to some extent, it also was on the international organization circuit.
This included a sympathetic attitude to the development perspective from the World Bank —which also lasted until the end of the s, when Anne Krueger replaced Holis Chenery as director of its economic consulting arm.
Although that may not have prevented ECLAC thinking from being disseminated, it probably explains the nearly always cautious tone in which the ideas were expressed. The inaugural vintage and its extensions The Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean was created in , as a result of a decision approved by the United Nations General Assembly in Nonetheless, with Prebisch, its history was to be very different.
He spent some time shut away in his office, doubtless examining the recent data published by the United Nations on the deterioration of the terms of trade.
A few months later, although still in , he would relaunch the same ideas with minor modifications, in the conceptual part of Economic Survey of Latin America, ECLAC a, text 2. This was the first document devoted to appraising economic trends in the main Latin American countries.
That set of documents already contained all of the elements that would serve as the great ideological and analytical reference for Latin American development scholars. Firstly, he argues that the spontaneous industrialization that was currently under way had a special significance in the history of humanity, since it represented the chance for the vast underdeveloped Latin American region to obtain the fruits of global technical progress, which had hitherto been confined essentially to the industrialized countries.
These include both the analysis of international engagement by the peripheral economies and their consequent external vulnerability, and the analysis of the problematic conditions and perverse tendencies with which growth in the Latin American periphery is internally processed. Lastly, he makes an initial incursion into the topic of State intervention, which is strengthened by proclaiming the problematical nature of industrialization under the structural conditions prevailing in the periphery, which the market has no way of resolving spontaneously.
Contrary to what the theory of comparative advantages promised, the slower pace of technical progress in primary products than in industrial products in the twentieth century was not causing the former to become relatively more expensive.
The abrupt contraction of import capacity in the s and its repercussions on the Latin American economies constituted the main historical reference for which Prebisch would develop the distinction between the functioning of the industrialized economies and those that specialized in primary products.
Felipe Pazos characterizes the s and s as the phase of Latin American thought oriented towards counter-cyclical monetary policies. The thesis had two versions, both structuralist and both centred on the idea of the dynamic comparative advantages of industrial production —or the dynamic comparative disadvantages of specialization in commodity products. In the countries of the latter, organized labour unions and a concentrated production structure succeeded in preventing the nominal prices of industrial goods from falling in the cyclical downturn, thereby more than offsetting the gains that the periphery obtained from primary products in the upswing phase.
Its eventual employment in export activities would result in an expansion of supply that would depress international prices, resulting in a lower value despite the larger volume produced. It was then claimed that the industrialization process would not alleviate external vulnerability, because the Latin American periphery would for long remain an exporter of commodities, of inelastic demand in the central countries, and as an importer of industrial products, for which demand in the periphery was highly elastic.
Thus, only the composition of imports was changed, and the problem of foreign exchange shortage was perpetuated. That argument on the tendency towards a structural deficit in the balance of payments takes centre stage in several ECLAC arguments of the time.
The substitution dynamic describes how the economy reacts to successive balance of payments bottlenecks. Singer put forward the same analysis simultaneously and independently. The same argument would later be elegantly developed by Lewis , in his classic text on the limited supply of labour. Only much later, would Prebisch produce an academically rigorous version of the idea, apparently stimulated by Chenery.
Around the mids, the School of Campinas in Brazil, consisting of intellectuals of ECLAC origin, for the first time opposed the idea that industrialization and import substitution were equivalent: the industrialization process would be the bearer of a logic and dynamism that were independent of mere import substitution.
This was because it was projected owing to capital accumulation decisions aimed at forming a supply capacity without a demand repressed by import constraints. On the contrary, it was repeatedly stated that the substitution process only altered the composition of imports. Secondly, and contrary to what is often assumed, concerns about external imbalance led ECLAC to stress the importance of stimulating exports, from its inception and particularly since the s.
In that sphere, ECLAC played a central intellectual role in two very important institutional initiatives. The ECLAC argument in favour of LAFTA contained the idea of initiating a process of export diversification by its own efforts, through the theoretically easier route of intra-regional trade.
More importantly, according to the introductory sections of the inaugural ECLAC text on the topic ECLAC, , text 9 written by Prebisch himself, the Latin American Common Market would expand the size of the market for industrial sectors that were demanding in terms of scale, thereby helping to intensify the substitution process.
UNCTAD itself was born from ideas that had been discussed in the s and s, concerning the need to attenuate the cyclical vulnerability of the peripheral countries, by applying international intervention mechanisms that were concerted with the central countries.
The document that Prebisch , text 10 presented at the second conference of the new entity is, possibly, the moment when the idea of international cooperation to strengthen periphery development through international trade agreements was at its strongest.
Fourthly, in , given the growing balance-of-payments difficulties caused by the ending of the Korean War, the idea of external strangulation reappears in discussions on the advisability of attracting inflows of private foreign capital —in other words, of not being constrained to obtaining capital from public funds.
With variations that are adapted to the different contexts of world trade and the various conditions of international financing, the external vulnerability argument is present throughout the five decades of ECLAC thought. Here the Latin American economies were also contrasted with their industrialized counterparts.
This article is a theoretical interrogation and appreciation of the relationship that hitherto exists between the dependency theory and donor aid. A number of scholars have heaped aspersions on the relevance of the dependency theory. This article argues that dependency theory is still relevant and has flared in this current epoch. Donor aid has emerged as a symbol of dependency, supporting the argument on the relevance of dependency theory. Donor aid has emerged as a nuanced form of dependency on western countries. Dependency theory, which originated in the s, has Singer and Prebisch as the progenitors — and emerged as a result of the growing dissatisfaction with modernity theories that had propounded that economic growth in developed countries was similarly going to lead to unabated growth and development in poorer countries. The theory is premised on resources being extracted from poorer countries to enrich wealthy nations.
Osvaldo Sunkel is Professor of Economic Development at the Economics Faculty and political scientists in Latin America, external dependence as a subject.
Dependency theory is the notion that resources flow from a "periphery" of poor and underdeveloped states to a "core" of wealthy states , enriching the latter at the expense of the former. It is a central contention of dependency theory that poor states are impoverished and rich ones enriched by the way poor states are integrated into the " world system ". This theory was officially developed in the late s following World War II, as scholars searched for the root issue in the lack of development in Latin America. The theory arose as a reaction to modernization theory , an earlier theory of development which held that all societies progress through similar stages of development, that today's underdeveloped areas are thus in a similar situation to that of today's developed areas at some time in the past, and that, therefore, the task of helping the underdeveloped areas out of poverty is to accelerate them along this supposed common path of development, by various means such as investment , technology transfers , and closer integration into the world market. Dependency theory rejected this view, arguing that underdeveloped countries are not merely primitive versions of developed countries, but have unique features and structures of their own; and, importantly, are in the situation of being the weaker members in a world market economy.
By investigating two official documents they prepared to subsidize the Argentinian and the Mexican governments, the current study highlights the main differences regarding anti-inflation and external insertion policies and, taking a broader view, the role played by the State in leading the development process. However, this denomination was somewhat simplistic and schematic. The conflict between the two was due, among other reasons, to the analysis and proposals made by Furtado in a study requested by Prebisch on the Mexican economy. Nowadays, there are only a few and rare typed copies of it. Documentation on the conflict is scant, which can partly be attributed to the delicate nature of the situation, involving interpersonal relationships.
Member States of the United Nations and their governmental institutions may reproduce this work without prior authorization, but are requested to mention the source and to inform ECLAC of such reproduction. The reader will also find that it involves a body of thought that is organized around three pillars: international engagement centreperiphery and external vulnerability ; domestic structural conditions socioeconomic ; and interaction between State and market in support of development projects. The anthology compiles texts representing five stages of ECLAC thought, each of which broadly corresponds to one decade. It is worth mentioning that only some of the texts had to be translated into English for this publication, because the others had already been translated when originally published.
Using this classification for the period researched by this study, we can see at least three moments, that is, industrialization , s developmentalist reforms and the decade of styles of growth. Obviously this is not only about Latin American intellectuals. Their work is the material on which this study was developed.
This article focuses on dependency theory and its influence on scholarly work in the field of international development. After tracing the roots of dependency theory, the article considers its relationship to the international economy, multinational capital, the local bourgeoisie, and the state. It then discusses dependency theory as a set of general concepts and orientations for formulating theories and explanations, as well as a set of directly testable and falsifiable hypotheses. It also emphasizes the utility of dependency theory for explaining the historical trajectories of development in Latin America, sustained robust economic growth in South Korea and Taiwan, globalization, and recent strong growth in China and some of its raw material suppliers. The article shows that dependency theory has mixed results as a testable theory but has been quite successful when used as a theoretical framework. Keywords: dependency theory , development , economy , bourgeoisie , Latin America , economic growth , South Korea , Taiwan , globalization , China. Access to the complete content on Oxford Handbooks Online requires a subscription or purchase.
the multi-stranded Latin American development school are. examined: the debate think that by reforming the international and national capitalist. systems it is policies to narrow the gap between countries of the centre and those. of Dependence is not regarded simply as an external variable as they.
Внизу по-прежнему завывала сирена. - Надо вырубить все электроснабжение, и как можно скорее! - потребовала Сьюзан. Она знала, что, если они не будут терять времени, им удастся спасти эту великую дешифровальную машину параллельной обработки. Каждый компьютер в мире, от обычных ПК, продающихся в магазинах торговой сети Радиошэк, и до систем спутникового управления и контроля НАСА, имеет встроенное страховочное приспособление как раз на случай таких ситуаций, называемое отключение из розетки. Полностью отключив электроснабжение, они могли бы остановить работу ТРАНСТЕКСТА, а вирус удалить позже, просто заново отформатировав жесткие диски компьютера. В процессе форматирования стирается память машины - информация, программное обеспечение, вирусы, одним словом - все, и в большинстве случаев переформатирование означает потерю тысяч файлов, многих лет труда. Но ТРАНСТЕКСТ не был обычным компьютером - его можно было отформатировать практически без потерь.
Однако номер пока не удалось узнать. - Двести два. Где это? - Где же на необъятных американских просторах прячется эта загадочная Северная Дакота.
Никакой реакции. Он дернул шнурок в третий раз, более резко. И снова. - На маршруте двадцать семь их отсоединяют. - Панк снова сплюнул в проход.
Вся деятельность в крыле, где размещалась шифровалка, якобы сводилась к попыткам зализать раны после своего фиаско ценой в два миллиарда долларов. Правду знала только элита АНБ - ТРАНСТЕКСТ взламывал сотни шифров ежедневно. В условиях, когда пользователи были убеждены, что закодированные с помощью компьютера сообщения не поддаются расшифровке - даже усилиями всемогущего АНБ, - секреты потекли рекой. Наркобароны, боссы, террористы и люди, занятые отмыванием криминальных денег, которым надоели перехваты и прослушивание их переговоров по сотовым телефонам, обратились к новейшему средству мгновенной передачи сообщений по всему миру - электронной почте. Теперь, считали они, им уже нечего было опасаться, представ перед Большим жюри, услышать собственный записанный на пленку голос как доказательство давно забытого телефонного разговора, перехваченного спутником АНБ.
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